I am member of the group on face book "Against Aarakshan". I thought of finding detailed information and I found it at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reservation_in_India. Read the following on internet http://www.mukto-mona.com/Articles/avijit/slavery_hinduism.htm,
Slavery in Hinduism by Avijit Roy
"Hinduism is
the one and only religion in this world which has a documented concept of
"Occhut" (Untouchables). It is the only religion in
this world which spread racism directly by scripture, and by preachers. Those
'untouchable Dalits', who had been considered as 'slaves' by Aryans, are,
no doubt, the most pitiable victims of Hindu religion.
In ancient Rig-Veda, we find
clear mention of slaves. From Aryan scripture, we get three types of
slaves [Ref. Pracheen Bharotey Dash-protha: Devraj Channa] -
1 Slaves because of incurring debts
2. Slaves because of loosing in gamble
3. Slaves because of loosing in war.
Since then the slaves are
denoted as captivated purchasable product. It has been legalized to have
intercourse with the women of defeated side after the war as the women were
considered as the "spoil of war". There are numerous examples in
ancient Hindu scriptures where royal sages made relationship with slave-girls.
One example may be the birth of Kaksmibaan as depicted in Rig-Veda (1|116) who
was born because of the relationship between Dirghotomaa and a slave-girl
of Angamhishi. Kobosh-Oilush was also a child of a slave girl.
Hindu scriptures intentionally
described slaves as "black", "black-vagina",
"inactive" or even "inhuman" etc. Aryans were different for
the slaves and it is said that Indra, the sovereign of the Hindu gods, did this
separation (Rig-Veda 2|20|7, 10|22|3, 86|19, Atharva Veda 5|13|8). A Slave was
considered nothing but as a property, and (s)he was even allowed to be
destroyed for just the benefit of Aryans (Rig-Veda 1|19|8, 5|34|6, 6|25|2,
8|40|6). It was also an ancient tradition to provide a slave girl with a new
bride just after the marriage for her convenience in new house. In Vedic
literature of later ages, we get an incident of a paramount ruler who made
presentation about thousand slave-girls to his clergy [Oitoreyo
Brahmmon 39|8]. Ramayan and Mahabharat also mentioned about slaves. In an
incident of Ramayana, we once found Raja Ram meeting with slave community
(Dhibor Das) who lived by the bay of Ganges.
They used to live their life by fishing, hunting and collecting fruits in near
by jungles. It is quite interesting to note that there is a lot of
evidence that slaves were being kept in the palace
of Ram and Kaikeyi. (But
Surprisingly There Was Not a Single Evidence of Keeping Slaves in the royal mansion
of Ravan in Lanka.) We also find a
very clear indication of a well-established slave-based Hindu society in
Mahabharat "
I also read that if an Aryan
can't get son from his wife he is allowed to use slave woman and get children
till he gets a son. All daughters were given to slave family and the son was
taken in Aryan family. This may be the reason for mixed colour of skin in Aryans and slaves.
In modern times the slaves did not agitate for rights or reservation. This sacred task was undertaken by a
king of princely state in India
as early as 1902, to eradicate poverty and to give them their due share in the
State Administration. The notification of 1902 created 50% reservation in
services for backward classes/communities in the State of Kolhapur.
This is the first official instance (Government Order) providing for
reservation for depressed classes in India.
After independence following steps were taken:
Post-Independence India
- 1947–1950 - Debates of the Constituent Assembly.
- 26/01/1950-The Constitution of India came in force.
- 1953 - Kalelkar Commission was established to assess the situation of the socially and educationally backward class. The report was accepted as far as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes were concerned. The recommendations for OBC's were rejected.
- 1956 - Schedules amended as per Kaka Kalelkar report.
- 1976 - Schedules amended.
- 1979 - Mandal Commission was established to assess the situation of the socially and educationally backward. The commission didn't have exact figures for a sub-caste, known as the Other Backward Class (OBC), and used the 1930 census data, further classifying 1,257 communities as backward, to estimate the OBC population at 52%.
- 1980 - the commission submitted a report, and recommended changes to the existing quotas, increasing them from 22% to 49.5%.As of 2006 number of castes in Backward class list went up to 2297 which is the increase of 60% from community list prepared by Mandal commission.
- 1990 - Mandal commission recommendations were implemented in Government Jobs by Vishwanath Pratap Singh. Student Organisations launched nationwide agitations. Rajiv Goswami Delhi university student attempted self-immolation. Many students followed suit.
- 1991 - Narasimha Rao Government introduced 10% separate reservation for Poor Among Forward Castes.
- 1992 - Supreme court upheld reservations to Other backward classes in Indira Sawhney Case. Also see Reservations and Judiciary section
- 1995 - Parliament by 77th Constitutional amendment inserted Art 16(4) (A) permitting reservation in promotions to the Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes. Later it was further amended to include consequential seniority by 85th amendment.
- 1998 - Central Government conducted large nationwide survey for the first time to estimate economical and educational status of various social groups. The National Sample Survey puts the figure at 32%. There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBC's in India, with census data compromised by partisan politics. It is generally estimated to be sizable, but lower than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission or and national Sample Survey. Mandal commission has been criticised of fabricating the data. National surveys indicated that status of OBC is comparable to Forward castes in many areas. http://www.business-standard.com/common/storypage.php?autono=264481&leftnm=4&subLeft=0&chkFlg=]
- 12 August 2005 - The Supreme Court delivered a unanimous judgement by 7 judges on 12 August 2005 in the case of P.A. Inamdar & Ors. vs. State of Maharashtra & Ors. declaring that the State can't impose its reservation policy on minority and non-minority unaided private colleges, including professional colleges.
- 2005 - 93rd Constitutional amendment brought for ensuring reservations to other backward classes and Scheduled castes and Tribes in Private Educational institutions. This effectively reversed the 2005 August Supreme Court judgement.
- 2006 - The Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in M. Nagraj & Ors Vs. Union of India & Ors upheld the constitutional validity of Art 16(4) (A), 16(4) (B) and proviso to Art 335.
- 2006 - Reservations introduced for Other backward classes in Central Government Educational Institutions. Total Reservation went up to 49.5%. Also See Recent Development.
- 2007 - Supreme Court give stayed on OBC reservation in Central Government Educational Institutions.
- 2008 - The Supreme Court of India on 10 April 2008 upheld the Government's move for initiating 27% OBC quotas in Government funded institutions. The Court has categorically reiterated its prior stand that "Creamy Layer" should be excluded from the ambit of reservation policy. The Supreme Court avoided answering the question whether reservations can be made in private institutions, stating that the question will be decided only as and when a law is made making reservations in private institutions. The verdict produced mixed reactions from supporting and opposing quarters. Several criteria to identify creamy layer has been recommended, which are as follows: Those with family income above Rs 250,000 a year should be in creamy layer, and excluded from the reservation quota. Also, children of doctors, engineers, chartered accountants, actors, consultants, media professionals, writers, bureaucrats, defence officers of colonel and equivalent rank or higher, high court and Supreme Court judges, all central and state government Class A and B officials. The court has requested Parliament to exclude MPs’ and MLAs’ children, too.
- 2010 - The Supreme Court held that if the state wants to frame rules with regard to reservation in promotions and consequential seniority it has to satisfy itself with quantifiable data that is there is backwardness, inadequacy of representation in public employment and overall administrative inefficiency and unless such an exercise was undertaken by the state government the rules in promotions and consequential seniority cannot be introduced.
From above information I
collected following conclusions are obvious:
1.
There is a class of downtrodden and was treated
as slaves for thousands of years.
2.
These slaves were untouchables.
3.
In spite of being untouchables the women were used
to produce children by Aryans.
4.
Slaves had no rights to property, education etc.
5.
Slaves were treated as property of Aryans and
Aryans were allowed to use then as Aryans liked.
6.
Reservation policy was first introduced by king
of princely state of Kolhapur Rajarshi Shahu during 1902. This had been the
first government order in India.
7.
After independence from British reservation
policy for SC and ST was accepted during 1953 but were rejected for other
backward classes.
8.
Mandal Commission submitted report for OBC
during 1980 and recommended reservation for OBC (touchable but backward)
9.
Mandal Commission recommendations were accepted
and implemented during 1990.
10. Thereafter
reservations in education, employment, promotion were challenged in court of
law and also amendments issued.
From above I draw following
conclusions:
1.
Christens have method of 'confession' whereas Hindus
have method of 'Prayachitta' So reservation accepted for untouchables is
'Prayachitta' and all those believe in Hindu religion have nothing to oppose
it.
Demonstration for Reservation |
3.
Women were also treated as slaves and property (similar
condition like SC/ST except touchability) but no reservation was considered for
them till recently. Politicians are not serious about it as that doesn't count
for vote bank. Moreover by giving reservation to women, males get affected
specially in political field.
Demonstration: Reservation for Women |
11 comments:
I received a comment on facebook messenger. I forgot the name. The gentleman said what I wrote is a past. However I don't agree. This situation exists at least in 70% India and no social acceptance is for mixed marriages in 100% India. We still blame Muslims for atrocities carried out by them and some organisations consider Muslims as enemies of India. Secondly I don't wish to become Rajarshi Shahu. I just placed facts which I feel need to be addressed properly.
From
kuffir kuffir nalgundwar
@janahitwadi no. it's a hindutva inspired upper caste, upper obc movement that doesn't respect dalit, lower obc, adivasi, muslim interests
ON Twitter.
Jose Nellivila siad following on face Book:-
reservations to be done on the basis of economical situations/backwardness and not one religion, cast or creed
Veena Srivastva said this on Facebook:-
people must be aware of their constitutional democratic and human rit=ghts , MUST OPPOSE ANY RESEVATION .. EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES IN EDUCATION NECESSARY .
सन्माननिय राष्ट्रवादी काँग्रेसचे अध्यक्ष श्री शरद पवार यानी राखीव जागांबाबत सर्वांना पसंत पडेल असा विचार मांडला आहे. सत्कृतदर्शनी हा उपाय सर्वोत्तम वाटतो. परंतु त्याचा पाया ढिसाळ आहे. घटना बनविताना सामाजिक फूट सांधण्याकरिता काय करता येईल याचा विचार झाला. भारतामध्ये स्पृश्य व अस्पृश्य अशी विभागणी हजारो वर्षे आहे. महात्मा गांधीनी अस्पृश्यांना हरीजन हे नांव दिले. त्यामुळे फरक एवढाच पडला की हरीजन म्हणजे देवाची माणसे हा अर्थ मागे पडून त्याचा अर्थ अस्पृश्य असा झाला. सध्या त्यांना दलित म्हणून समजले जाते. त्यामुळेही तोच फरक झाला. दलित म्हणजे अस्पृश्य असा अर्थ घेतला जावू लागला. थोडक्यात भारतामधील फूट रोखण्यात राखीव जागांचा उपयोग झाला नाही. न होण्याची अनेक कारणे आहेत. त्या पैकी काही खाली दिली आहेत. आणखीही कित्येक असतील.
1. योग्य उमेदवार मिळत नसल्याने या जागा राखीव जागातून मुक्त करणे.
2. खोटी जातप्रमाणपत्राद्वारे जागा मिळविणे
3. ज्या अस्पृश्यांना नोकरीत घेतले त्यांचे एसीआर लिहतांना कामांचा विचार न करिता फक्त जातीया विचार करणे.
4. ज्या अस्पृश्यांना नोकरीत घेतले त्यांच्या कामांत अडथळे निर्माण करणे.
5. त्यांची उमेद खच्ची करण्याकरिता कोठलेही मार्ग त्याज्य नसणे.
6. त्यांना नामोहरण करण्याची कोठलीही संधी न सोडणे.
7. त्यांना योग्य सल्ला न देता अडचणीत कसे पडतील याकरिता प्रयत्नच काय विशेष प्रयत्न करणे.
सामाजिक दरी सांधणे म्हणजे स्पृश्य व अस्पृश्य यांचेमध्ये रोटी व बेटी व्यवहार झाले पाहिजेत. आरक्षणाचा उपयोग हे करण्याकरिता अवश्य होईल. तसेच ज्यांना कोणाला राखीव जागा पाहिजे असतील त्यांच्या अपत्यांना मिळतील. स्पृश्य व अस्पृश्य यांमधील दरी बुजवली जाईल. राखीवजागांबाबत जो कायदा आहे त्यामध्ये छोटासा बदल केला तर हे साध्य होईल. रा़खीव जागा देताना उमेदवाराची जात न पाहता त्याच्या आई-वडील, दोन्हीकडचे आजी-आजोबा यांची जात पहावी. या सहा पैकी कोणी एक जरी राखीव जागेकरिता जातीच्या व्याख्येप्रमाणे पात्र असेल तर ती जागा इतर निकषांचा विचार करून त्या उमेदवाराला द्यावी. अधिक माहिती येथे मिळेल. आपल्याला कांही मत मांडावयाचे असेल किंवा आक्षेप नोंदवायचे असतील तर ते तेथे कॉमेंट स्वरूपात नोंदवावे. आपले मत नोंदवण्यामुळे हा लेख जास्तीत जास्त परिपूर्ण होईल.
http://janahitwadi.blogspot.in/2012/02/blog-post.html
सन्माननिय राष्ट्रवादी काँग्रेस केे अध्यक्ष श्री शरद पवार साहबने आरक्षण के बारे में एक सहज सुंदर विचार और समाधान सब के सामने रखा है। आरक्षण सभी धर्म और जाती के लोगों को आरक्षण सालाना कमाई पर होगा। आप का सुझाव सर्व मान्य होगा इस में कोई शक नही। मगर यह समस्या का समाधान राज्यघटना बनानेवालों के विचारसे मिलता नही। आरक्षण का उद्येश आर्थिक नही था। आरक्षण का मतलब समाज़ के हर व्यक्ति को एक दुसरे के साथ समान धागेसे जोड़ना था। भारत मंे समाज में स्पृश्य और अस्पृश्य ऐसे विभाग हजारो सालसे हैं।. महात्मा गांधीजीने यह दूरी मिटाने के लिये अस्पृश्यों का नामकरण हरीजन ऐसा किया। इससे दूरी तो नही मिटी मगर हरी के ज़न ऐसा समझने के बजाय अस्पृश्य ऐसा समझने लगे। नाम बदल के दूरी मिटाने का और एक प्रयास हुआ। मगर यह भी असफल रहा। अब दलित का मतलब भी अस्पृश्य ऐसा ही होने लगा। सारांश आरक्षण का इस्तेमाल समाज में एकता के लिये अब तक तो नही हुआ। इस के अनेक कारण है। कुछ नीचे दिये है।
1. योग्य उम्मीदवार नही मिलने का बहाना बना के आरक्षण से मुक्त करना।
2. गलत जाती प्रमाणपत्र के आधार पर आरक्षण की जगह बटोरना।
3. सालाना एसीआर लिखते समय काम के बजाय जाती को ध्यान में रखना।
4. जो अस्पृश्य इन मुसिबतों को पार करेगा उस के काम में रुकावटे पैदा करना।
5. ऐसे अस्पृश्य का मानसिक खच्चीकरण करना
6. अस्पृश्य कर्मचारी की हर गलती बढ़ा चढ़ा कर पेश करना।
7. अस्पृश्य कर्मचारी को हमेशा गलत रास्ता दिखाना।
भारत में यदी एक संघ समाज की रचना करना है तो समाज के हर घटक को समान न्याय होना चाहिये। वर्तमान में समाज में समान न्याय का मतलब रोटी-बेटी व्यवहार। यह व्यवहार नही होता ऐसा नही। मगर जो भी ऐसा व्यवहार करता है उस में से ज़ादा तर व्यक्ति को मौत के घाट उतारा जाता है। यदी समाज़ एकसंघ बनाना हो तो आरक्षण का अलग तरहसे इस्तेमाल हो सकता है। वर्तमान में आरक्षण के लिये पात्रता प्रमाणित करने के लिये उम्मीदवार की जाती देखी जाती है। इस के बज़ाय उम्मीदवार के माँ-बाप-दादा-दादी-नाना-नानी इन में से किसी एक की भी जाती आरक्षण के लिये पात्र हो तो उस आरक्षण के लिये वह उम्मीदवार पात्र होगा। विस्तारसे इधर पढ़ सकते है।
http://janahitwadi.blogspot.in/2011/10/aarakshan-i-e-reservation.html
http://janahitwadi.blogspot.in/2012/02/blog-post.html
इस पर किसी का अलग विचार हो या इस विचारसे सहमति हो तो आप अपना विचार काँमेंट के जरीये व्यक्त किजिये। जितनी जादा काँमेंट होगी उतना यह विचार पक्व होता जायेगा।
Honourable Minister and President of Nationalist Congress Party, Shri Sharad Pawar has expressed his solution for reservation for “Maratha Community” of Maharashtra State. His solution appears to be very attractive and acceptable to all meaning those who already have provision for reservation and all those who are economically weak. Although this solution would be widely accepted it does not pass the test of reasons for reservation. While the constitution was being prepared the basic thought had been social integrity and not poverty. It might have been thought that Scheduled Caste and Tribes might be more acceptable if they are given opportunity to develop themselves. Reservation may be solution thought by the constitution makers. Mahatma Gandhi tried a solution by renaming “Untouchables” as “Harijan” (Meaning people of the God). However, his efforts failed. Impact has/had been meaning of Harijan is taken as Untouchable. Same is the effect of word “Dalit” meaning the meaning of Dalit is taken as Untouchable. Conclusion is efforts have been made at various levels to uplift SCs and STs and integrate Indian society but so far the effect is negligible. There might be many reasons for this. Some of these are placed below.
1. Under the pretext of non-availability of competent candidate reservation is removed.
2. Considering an incompetent candidate based on incorrect caste certificate.
3. Spoil ACR of SC/ST candidate. Presently the system has been simplified. An average ranking does neither need informing the candidate nor makes him suitable for promotion.
4. Creating obstacles in working of SC/ST candidates.
5. Mental harassment.
6. Exaggerate mistakes made by SC/ST persons.
7. Misguide SC/ST candidate as rule.
In order to give justice to every one in India, our society must be saved from disintegration especially on account of religion and caste. During present time inter caste/religion marriages would integrate Indian society. Presently most of those who marry partner from other religion or caste faces danger of murder, either self or partner. Many cases it is for both. There is a solution to achieve this. It is explained in details here:-
http://janahitwadi.blogspot.in/2011/10/aarakshan-i-e-reservation.html
http://janahitwadi.blogspot.in/2012/02/blog-post.html
The solution is based on present system of reservation. A change is needed to include every Indian citizen under a constraint. This constraint is while considering reservation instead of considering caste of the candidates, caste of his/her parents and both side grandparents must be considered. Children of couple with same caste will carry the name of caste. However, children of couples with different caste or no caste shall be considered as citizens of India i.e. such children shall not have mark of religion and caste. After achieving age of 18 years such children may or may not choose religion. They shall not choose caste at any time.
आमदार मेटे याना माहित नसावे की, राखीव जागा हे दारिद्र्य मिटवण्याचे साधन नाही. आरक्षण हे सर्व समाज एकत्र आणण्याचे औषध आहे. सर्व समाज एकसंघ करण्याचा उपाय आहे. सध्या तसेच या पूर्वी कित्येक शतके किंवा सहस्रके भारतीय समाज उच्च वर्णिय व नीच वर्णिय या मध्ये वाटला गेला होता व आहे. सध्याच्या काळात नीच वर्णियांना अनुसूचित जाति, अनुसूचित जमाति व आदर बॅकवर्ड क्लास असे संबोधले जाते. आरक्षणामुळे या लोकांना स्वतः वरचा विश्वास वाढेल व तथाकथित उच्च वर्णियांच्या मांडीला मांडी लावून बसण्याचे प्राविण्य प्राप्त करू शकेल. अशा प्रकारे भारतीय समाज एकसंघ होईल. मेटे साहेब मात्र समाज कसा विभागला जाईल हे पाहत आहेत. राजकारणी लोकांना आपली मते बळकट करण्याकरिता फोडाफोडीचे राजकारण कामी येते. परंतु, देशाचा विचार करता ते निषिद्ध आहे. मेटे साहेबाना खरोखरीच वाटत असेल की मराठा समाज मागासलेला आहे तर त्यावर एक उपाय आहे. आरक्षण हे व्यक्तिच्या जातीवर न ठरवता त्या व्यक्तिच्या आई-वडिल-आईवडिलांचे आई-वडिल या पैकी कोणाही एकाच्या जातिवर ठरवावे. त्याचे स्वातंत्र्य त्या व्यक्तिला द्यावे. ज्या व्यक्तिचा एक पालक (आई किंवा वडिल) सवर्ण व दुसरा राखीव जागेला पात्र असेल त्या व्यक्तीला कोठलीही जात लावू नये. त्या व्यक्तीची ओळख फक्त भारतीय अशीच असावी. असे केले तर आरक्षणाच्या चळवळी पूर्णपणे बंद होतील. न झाल्या तर निर्दयपणे चिरडून टाकता येतील.
Absolutely right
राखीव जागा हे दारिद्र्य मिटवण्याचे साधन नाही. आरक्षण हे सर्व समाज एकत्र आणण्याचे औषध आहे. सर्व समाज एकसंघ करण्याचा उपाय आहे. आरक्षण हे व्यक्तिच्या जातीवर न ठरवता त्या व्यक्तिच्या आई-वडिल-आईवडिलांचे आई-वडिल या पैकी कोणाही एकाच्या जातिवर ठरवावे. त्याचे स्वातंत्र्य त्या व्यक्तिला द्यावे. ज्या व्यक्तिचा एक पालक (आई किंवा वडिल) सवर्ण व दुसरा राखीव जागेला पात्र असेल त्या व्यक्तीला कोठलीही जात लावू नये. त्या व्यक्तीची ओळख फक्त भारतीय अशीच असावी. असे केले तर आरक्षणाच्या चळवळी पूर्णपणे बंद होतील. न झाल्या तर निर्दयपणे चिरडून टाकता येतील.
असा दावा केला जातो की महाराष्ट्रात मराठा समाज 32 टक्के आहे म्हणून 20 टक्के तरी राखीव जागा दिल्या पाहिजेत. असाही दावा केला जातो की, राजकारणात मराठा समाज मागासलेला नाही. म्हणून आरक्षण शिक्षण व नोकरीमध्ये द्यावे. ही टक्केवारी कोठून घेतली हे माहित नाही. असे समजले जाते की, अनुसूचित जाति व जमाती 23 टक्के आहेत, ओबीसी 52 टक्के व मुस्लीम-ख्रिश्चन-शीख-जैन वगैरे 18-20 टक्के आहेत. 100 तून यांची बेरीज वजा केली कर बाक ी 5-7 टक्के राहते. ही लोकसंख्या हिंदूंची आहे. त्यामध्ये ब्राह्मण, मराठा तसेच वैश्य हे तीन वर्ण आहेत. या हिशेबाने मराठा समाज 2-3 टक्के असू शकतो. दुसरा मुद्दा मागासलेपणाचा. वैश्य म्हणू शकतील आम्ही शिक्षण व राजकारणात मागालेले आहोत आम्हाला फक्त शिक्षण व राजकारणात आरक्षण द्या. ब्राह्मण म्हणू शकतील आमचा टक्का राजकारणात नगण्य आहे तेंव्हा आम्हाला फक्त राजकारणात राखीव जागा द्या. मुस्लीम, ख्रिश्चन म्हणतील आम्ही सगळ्याच बाबतीत मागासलेले आहोत आम्हाला अनुसूचित जाति व जमाती प्रमाणे सर्वच क्षेत्रात राखीव जागा द्या. जैन सुद्धा राखीव जागा मागतील. थोडक्यात भारतीय समाजात धरणीकंप होईल व समाजाचे हजारो तुकडे होतील. त्यातून हजारो राष्ट्रे निर्माण होतील. याची जाणीव कोणाला आहे काय? मराठा समाजाला आरक्षण देण्याचा दावा करताना एक मुद्दा हिरहिरेने मांडला जातो की शिक्षण-राहणीमानांमध्ये मराठा समाज व अनुसूचित जाति व जमातीमध्ये फरक नाही. तो कितपत खरा खोटा आहे हे जाणून घेण्याकरिता समाजामध्ये एक पट्टी आहे. तिला म्हणतात रोटी-बेटी व्यवहार. हे दोन्ही व्यवहार होत असतील तरच हा दावा मान्य करण्यासारखा आहे. खरे म्हणजे ब्राह्मणानी असा दावा केला तर तो एकाध टक्क ा तरी ग्राह्य धरता येईल परंतु, आतापर्यंतचा व्यवहार पाहिला तर मराठा समाज अजुनही शून्याच्या खालीच आहे. मराठाच काय भविष्यातील सर्व आरक्षणांचा तिढा सोडविण्यासाठी दोन नियम (कायदे) करणे आवश्यक आहे. ते भविष्यातील मागण्यांचीही योग्य प्रकारे दखल घेतील
1. राखीव जागा (आरक्षण) करिता व्यक्तिची योग्यता व्यक्तिच्या स्वतःच्या जातीवर न ठरविता तिच्या आई-वडिल-आजी-आजोबा या सहा पैकी कोणाही एका व्यक्तिच्या जातीवर ठरवावी. व्यक्तिला (जर व्यक्ति अज्ञान असेल तर त्या व्यक्तिच्या पालकाना) हे ठरविण्याचा संपूर्ण अधिकार असावा.
2. व्यक्तिच्या आई-वडिलापैकी एकजण अनुसुचित जाती-जमातीचा व दुसरा सवर्ण असेल तर ती व्यक्ति फक्त भारतीय म्हणूनच ओळखली जावी. ती व्यक्ती 18 वर्षे वयापेक्षा मोठी झाल्यावर आपल्या मर्जीप्रमाणे धर्माची निवड करू शकते.
या दोन नियमामुळे व्यक्तिच्या जातीवर अवलंबून असणारे आरक्षण बंद होईल म्हणजेच भविष्यात आणखी आरक्षणाची मागणीच निर्माण होणार नाही. हळू हळू समाजातील प्रत्येकाची ओळख भारतीय अशी निर्माण होईल. याकरिता शे-दोनशे अगर कमी जास्त वर्षे लागतील. परंतु ही वर्षे राष्ट्राच्या आयुष्यातील नगण्य काळ आहे. भारतदेश एकसंघ करण्याचे कर्तव्य पार पडेल. हा छोटा विचार मोठे काम करू शकतो. त्याला अट एकच. वर्णापेक्षा देश श्रेष्ठ आहे हे मानणे व त्यावर भरीव कृती करणे.
Constitution contains provisions for the development of marginalised groups. These are article 340 for OBC, article 341 for SC, article 342 for ST. Article 30 provides the right to establish and administer educational institutions for the minorities. Constitution of India guarantees protection from social injustice and exploitation (Art. 46). It guarantees equality before law (Art. 14), and enables State not to discriminate any citizen on grounds of caste (Art.15 (1)). Untouchable in any form is forbidden (Art 17). The Constitution mandates that no citizen shall, on ground of caste or race, be subjected to any disability and restriction (Art 15. (2)). States are empowered to make provisions for reservation in education (Art. 15 (4) and (5)), in employment (Art. 16(4), 16(4A), 16 (4B), in politics: article. 335), Reservation for SC in parliament is provided under Article 330, State Assembly under Article 332 and Local Self Government bodies under Article 243D and 340T. On similar grounds in 1980 the Mandal Commission recommended reservation of seats for OBC in Loksabha and in the State Assemblies. There is no scope for reservation other than these communities. Suggestion given in article to enhance integrity of nation, reservation should be based on caste of parent/grand parent is worth considering.
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